Romania’s Football Golden Generation, a dossier put together by Andrei Mihail
Three anthropologists, two historians, and one legendary goalkeeper walk into a bar. Andrei Mihail, the anthropologist who launched this invitation, asks the others, “why are we still nostalgic for Romanian football’s golden generation?” What follows, though, is not another punch line of a silly joke, but a captivating, nostalgia-fuelled series of testimonies. The resounding success of the national football team of Romania—which reached the quarter-finals at the 1994 World Cup hosted by the US—is used as a departing point: where we were then and where we are now.
Nostalgia for the Golden Generation of the 1990s
Răzvan Voinea (historian, the one (re)searching Bucharest’s urbanistic past)
Every boy playing in the school yard between 1990 and 2000 dreamed of being part of the national football team. Recreating the goals that impressed us (Hagi’s left-footed screamer against Colombia in 1994, Ilie Dumitrescu’s exquisitely placed shot against Argentina that same year, or Adi Ilie’s magnificent lob over Colombia’s Mondragón in 1998) was a must when we went out and started playing in the backyard or on the school fields; and every goal that was in any way comparable assured the prestige of the teammate who scored it. As the members of the golden generation slowly disappeared from the national team, the children of the 1990s, accustomed with their performance, grew disappointed with the results of the post-2000 teams. Consequently, against the background of almost constant failures during the last 20 years, the fans took refuge in corners of the internet to recreate the feelings of those days. Replay, the TV show that analyses 1990s (but not only) Romanian football is greatly successful. A podcast with Hagi hosted by Andi Moisescu has almost 350,000 views on YouTube (and is the top third of Moisescu’s podcasts in the last year). Meanwhile, 200,000 people watched a 90-minute documentary made by Replay about Marius Lăcătuș, Steaua and Romania’s legendary inside forward. The ‘good old days,’ when Lăcătuș was providing assists and Hagi was scoring, are dead and gone and all that we are left with is nostalgia. But, what is nostalgia and how can we approach it?
Semantically, the Greek words nostos (“homecoming”) and algos (“longing”) join in a seventeenth-century mental condition, with which subjects could be diagnosed. The very first definitions of the concept mention a “sad mood originating from the desire for return to one’s native land.”1 If, in the beginning, this referred almost strictly to a geographic space, the concept evolved and acquired new meanings. According to Svetlana Boym, “modern nostalgia is a mourning for the impossibility of mythical return, for the loss of an enchanted world with clear borders and values.”2 But nostalgia has nothing to do with anger or disappointment—rather, with larger desires for improvement, and can be regarded as a step towards being happier.
In other words, people coming to the stadium to encourage today’s national team are likely to base their initiative on nostalgia for an older game, one they witnessed when Romania had no problems winning, rather than attachment towards today’s players. It is also probable that these fans’ hopes and feelings of pride can be awakened by nostalgia, especially sparked by photos and videos. Nostalgia is no longer regarded as a condition of a subject stuck in the past, but, rather, as a trigger that can reveal forward-looking attitudes about the present and the future.
1 Carolyn Kiser Anspach, “Medical Dissertation on Nostalgia by Johannes Hofer 1688,” Bulletin of the Institute of the History of Medicine 2(6) (August, 1934), 366–391.
2 Svetlana Boym, The Future of Nostalgia (New York, NY: Basic Books, 2001), 8.
The Costs of Our Golden Generation
Andrei Mihail (anthropologist, the one researching the history of Bucharest’s neighbourhood football)
“Don’t be afraid, Spikey’s gonna save,” my classmates shouted from the sidelines of the concrete pitch during the final of our school’s football cup as I struggled to defend the shots of our opponents. Their chants compressed two of my defining cultural references from that time. The first was The Offspring, a band I obsessively devoured back then. My haircut, inspired by Dexter Holland’s spikes, brought me the nickname ‘Hedgehog’—hence the adaptation of the much more famous “don’t be afraid, Stelică’s gonna save” (“nu vă fie frică, apără Stelică”) to my doubtful aesthetic choices. This chant referred to the second thing that defined me in the late 1990s: goalkeeping, the position I used to play on my class’s team. Of course, my idol was Bogdan Stelea, or Stelică, Romania’s famous golden generation goalkeeper. Every boy in my class idolised one of the national team players, as we were living through some of the most spectacular successes in its history.
Although I really liked being a goalie, my football glory ended with the single school cup that I won by the time I graduated primary school. I tried to take it more seriously a few times, but my laziness, mediocre skills, and lack of enthusiasm for the automatisms that an athlete must develop made me more of a supporter than a player. By the year 2000, my career was over and left with just a few training days on the pitches of Spartac, FC Național, and ICAR, where I attended some trials.
At that time, the training conditions at small clubs such as Spartac or ICAR were atrocious. Muddy grounds, weather-worn equipment, rusty stands, and stinking locker rooms were the standard of Bucharest’s sports facilities. But they couldn’t have been any different, as their former state funds vanished thanks to the economic realities of post-communism. However, not even a talentless kid like myself had to pay a cent for any of the training sessions. An entire sports infrastructure that covered many of Bucharest’s neighbourhoods was breathing its last breath along with my football career. This allowed me to make my first steps, together with most of the boys in my class and from the neighbouring blocks, towards the great glory that Romanian football still promised at that time. For most, the trip ended shortly, after a few days. For others, those more consistent and passionate, it lasted a little longer, but, with one significant exception, none of my friends became successful football players. In fact, my generation is the last to use these football (infra)structures that reached most of Romania’s youth (mainly boys, to be honest), which contributed to the great results of our football teams in the 1980s and 1990s. Its vast territorial ramifications gave coaches and scouts the chance to spot and train those truly dedicated to performance. It also helped the rest of us develop a taste for football, and all sorts of other sports in general.
Today, the emergence of a new golden generation of professional footballers is trapped in the ruins of neighbourhood football, obstructed by privatisations and the real estate development that sharply intensified in the 2000s. Nothing much became of the pitches where I failed my football career. Spartac mutated into a shopping mall; the grounds of FC Național are still available for practice, but only in a closed circuit benefiting Romania’s National Bank employees. ICAR was renovated after many years of abandonment and degradation, but the enrolment fees charged by the private club operating the premise start from 300 lei (around €60) per month and include training costs and original Adidas equipment—mostly useful for the symbolic needs of middle-class parents rather than for playing football at this level. This sum represents about 10% of an average salary, an amount too high for many. Through capitalism, ‘premium’ football replaced ‘mass’ football. The situation of my grounds—the grounds of my youth—is representative of an entire public infrastructure of grassroots sports that existed before 1989, and which fought for its survival in the first years after the revolution.
I still wonder why we feel so nostalgic for the golden generation. Do we miss their victories, or do we long for the collective joy we experienced in a period that was not exactly happy for most? No matter the answer, our memories bind us to the pitches and clubs that operated along and across our cities. In 1989, Bucharest had over 50 sports bases that were operating; using them was mostly free. Today, they are abandoned or replaced by buildings and other forms of infrastructure that can return profits for public and private enterprises alike. Those that survived are not available freely to the masses, making their existence dependent on private funds and wealth. Therefore, in poorer areas, the notion of ‘sport’ simply vanished from people’s daily lives alongside the joys of its great victories. The two were closely related, with the former conditioning the latter. In 1990, 11 of the 22 players selected for the Italian World Cup were from villages or small towns. This squad managed to qualify from the group stage, with many of its players being the backbone of the team that reached the quarter-finals of the same tournament 4 years later in the US. In 2016, Romania qualified for the EUROs, our last important tournament (our last World Cup participation was in 1998). At this time, only 6 of the 23 footballers came from the country’s villages or small towns. We got kicked out of the groups by Albania.
Melting into an Ocean of Souls
Cristina Plecadite (anthropologist, the one who was part of the collective joy inflamed by the national team’s victories)
Thinking about the way we celebrated the victories of the Romanian football team 20 year ago, I would say it was like an ad-hoc ‘tradition’ around exceptional events. If this would happen again now, all of us would know how to recognise the signs and to repeat them in the same manner. I guess it’s deep inside of our collective appetite for celebrating victories and cheerful events.
Back in my student campus days (in Bucharest’s Regie/Grozăvești area), we had the 1998 World Cup and Euro 2000. I don’t remember the results, the first 11, or other facts. But I was sure that marching to celebrate the Romanian football team’s triumphs was, at that time, intimately connected with my destiny.
The first step was finding partners for watching the game on a terrace with a big TV screen. As my friends didn’t share my interest and were quite embarrassed by my loudness, exuberance, and over-enthusiasm during games of national importance, I was inclined to join anyone I knew to watch the games. Stranger or not, we sat together at a table, drinking cheap beer and waiting for a miracle to come—for our brave Romanian boys to prove to the (rich) world how good we were. It was a brief—but profound—sense of brotherhood: not fuelled by blood, but by shared hopes, fears, energy, and, ultimately, beer and cigars. There were no barriers in proving the three national colours of our hearts—every goal was the perfect moment for hugs, kisses, creative manifestations. I do not know the poet behind the magic short lyrics “Adrian Ilie este meserie” (meaning, “Adrian Ilie is a pro,” a reference to one of our best forwards of those years) or “Nu vă fie frică, apără Stelică” (“Don’t be afraid, Stelică’s gonna save,” a reference to Bogdan Stelea, the national team’s goalkeeper), but these were so efficient in repairing disasters and creating trust. Besides the common prayers, of course.
And then, the final explosion—Romania showing its genuine face to the world—our football victory was more than sport, it embodied the very way we fought against our destiny, our poverty, our lack of perspectives. And the football players were more than athletes. They were our boys, our fighters, our pride.
Most likely, this is a widespread story around the world. But we were so happy. Everyone was feeling that this victory is a supreme sign that “everything will be just fine” and that a happy future awaited all of us. The victory scream was the sound of reaching the personal and national promised life. How can anyone not follow that sound?
The gathering sound of celebrating this victory was the horn. Actually, an abundance of horns honked by drivers passing through Piața Universității. The cars were filled with people waving Romania’s national flag, waving their happiness, half naked, half outside the cars’ windows. Everyone was invited to follow this happiness road.
People gathered in larger groups, finally becoming one, and marched in the same direction, celebrating victory, joy, pride, and dreams. We were all part of this magnificent energy and enthusiasm.
I always joined the crowd. Sometimes with a familiar figure, sometimes alone. I was not the type of girlfriend who followed her lover everywhere or the kind of person who was part of a bigger group. I was just a piece of the crowd, rounding off the others perfectly, feeling that we were all equal and strongly connected by our shared football passion and by the same exuberance. I was never afraid, because the strangers were not strangers when we celebrated the triumph together. We were one, allied by our common voice, our hugs and dances, our big flag, and we were also part of the football team’s destiny—our celebration was a mandatory part of the Romanian team’s next success. We watched them play and they watched us celebrating them. “Ne-a pus-o nea Puiu, ne-a pus-o” (“Nea Puiu—Romania’s coach—showed us, he showed it to us”), says Hagi about the video of our celebrations, which they watched in the locker room.
I marched because we felt stronger together—we did not have a war or a revolution or any cause, but we had the Romanian football team, which made us all the same, no matter our education, age, sex, or social status. We were a single heart under a big flag, dancing in the same circle, smiling and protecting each other, full of understanding for extreme gestures, like naked people on the street constructing their manifesto for the world. All those marching, or watching the march on their TV sets, were part of a big and beautiful Romanian heart.
The next day, the big flag was put in a closet, the world was the same, the Earth was still spinning around the Sun, and the problems were still there. But that was our precious magic moment that suspended reality and let our souls taste the pure happiness that gave us the strength to continue. Romania’s football team was our splendour in the grass.
Something Enormously Motivating
Bogdan Stelea (legendary goalkeeper, the one who defended the national team’s post for most of the 1990s and early 2000s)
Bogdan Stelea is, probably, one of the most loved players of the golden generation. Objectively, his place in history is secured as the goalkeeper who holds the record number of matches in which he defended our goal post. Subjectively, I think, we remember Paulinho Santos’ penalty that he saved in the game against Portugal in the autumn of 1998, his tackling of England’s prodigy Michael Owen in 2000, or the moment he carried an injured Mehdi Ben Slimane off the field in the last match of the group stage against Tunisia at the French World Cup. Fans experienced the victories of those years on the streets, but what about the players? How was the exaltation of those nights felt by the team on the world’s training grounds and stadiums?
It was an amalgam of feelings. Before anything else, it was the personal satisfaction that we managed to win and have certain results and, naturally, this satisfaction was doubled by everything we saw on the streets, by the joy of the people. This was something different. You can’t compare the two experiences. It hits you pretty hard when you see that so many people are with you and that you made them happy. The joy of those people, I must be honest, meant a lot; it means a lot to see people ecstatic about the things you do.
Iordănescu motivated us with images from back home
It was easier in France [editor’s note: to find out about people occupying the streets after victories]. We were here, in Europe, and we found out things. I could talk on the phone with people back home; videos were also on TV during that World Cup. In the USA however, in 1994, things were more complicated as we were far away, and we saw images only 2–3 days later. I guess somebody sent those from Romania, but I don’t remember exactly how we got them. Videos were recorded on tape and the manager made us watch them. I am talking about excerpts from the news and reports on TVR [ed.: the Romanian national TV station]. I watched them many times. For example, I saw what happened in Bucharest’s streets after we won against Colombia before the match against Argentina; the same happened before the match against Sweden. I saw what they filmed back home after we won against Argentina and qualified for the quarter finals. A lot of people took to the streets. It was something that motivated us enormously, to see so many people happy because of something we did. The moment I saw those images, I stopped thinking about other things, such as the result itself. I was left with people’s happiness.
Ghencea was a special place, a stadium bound for football
We always played on Ghencea because we depended on the crowd’s pressure on the opposing teams during important matches. Ghencea was good for that. Not to mention that it developed a tradition for great results: Steaua played its international games there and won the European Champions Cup, or reached the final in 1989… The audience was decisive in Ghencea and it helped a lot. We continued that trend for the national team. During the most important matches it helped us a lot and there was a lot of pressure on the opponent. We liked that and it motivated us. Moreover, as a goalkeeper I experienced things differently. I had a lot of time to think and that could become problematic. I didn’t put so much physical effort into eliminating pressure as field players did. I stood there for most of the match and sometimes, if I was not feeling well, if my mind was not clear, I thought about all sorts of nonsense and that could have a negative influence on me. The crowd influenced me, it created a certain pressure on me. I had to get used to it and know how to accept and deal with it.
You can’t turn against fans
We also had some tense moments, such as the friendly match against Paraguay we played at Ghencea stadium, before leaving for the 1998 World Cup [ed.: during that match, Stelea gave the audience the middle finger as he was booed after receiving a defendable goal]. We played in Ghencea [ed.: Steaua’s home ground] and, as usual, tifos representing all the teams from Bucharest occupied the stands; I’m talking about Steaua, Dinamo, Rapid. You see, some of the fans sometimes swore at some of my teammates, because they played for rival clubs. I think that happened at that match as well. From my point of view, that moment was also fuelled a little bit by a press campaign that began before the World Cup. I remember some articles in which our businesses, houses, cars were exposed… Everything was exposed. Yes, we had a certain standard of living, but ordinary people couldn’t see the work behind this. There were many shortcomings for most people in those days and it was very easy to move away from the state of euphoria, from encouragement and being on the side of the national team. This quickly led to all sorts of curses and rude things shouted inside the stadium. This bothered me, and I didn’t take it well. But even so, I should have known how to handle those moments. What happened during that match and what I did was a mistake, and I am sorry. That’s how I felt at the time, and that’s what I did in response. Things could no longer be fixed in that regard. The only thing I could do from that moment was to play as well as possible and have good results.
Don’t be afraid, Stelică’s gonna save
This was a slogan from the stands. I must admit, it motivated me at the time. It was a sign of the public’s confidence; it motivated me because it created a state of pressure that kept me awake. By no means did I want to disappoint them. If they sang it, they clearly believed it. I first heard it after the World Cup of 1994, in the preliminaries for EURO 1996, but they also sang it later.
Broadcasting Archives, Nostalgia, and the Golden Generation of Romanian Football
Bogdan Vârșan (historian, the one gate-keeping Romania’s football video archives)
Broadcasting archives: a catalyst for enabling nostalgic momentum
When trying to understand what the word ‘archive’ means, you may encounter two standard definitions. According to the online dictionary of the University of Cambridge, an archive is either a “collection of historical records relating to a place, organisation, or family” or “a place where historical records are kept.” The explanation given by the dictionary may be sufficient for a general idea about the term, but it paints a very rigid and narrow perspective. In a broader sense, the archive can acquire various other meanings. Since this is neither the place nor the time to engage in a more detailed discussion about what an archive is—or what it could be—I will start from the idea that an archive is a kind of ‘collective memory’ depository. Public broadcasting archives are no exception. Enabled by the rapid expansion of television broadcasting networks, the period starting from the beginning of the 1950s is frequently referred to as the ‘century of images.’
Meanwhile, nostalgia, initially a medical ailment, is now a debating field for historians, sociologists, psychologists, anthropologists, as well as scholars in other fields. Even though nostalgic feelings are individual and personal, important public events that occurred in the recent past may serve as a catalyst for nostalgia. To this extent, broadcasting archives, as spaces for storing collective memory, may have a direct influence on already existing nostalgia amongst members of a society.
Still, an archive by itself does not enable nostalgia. Of course, there is always the possibility of consulting archives by individual means, but, in my opinion, the most effective way to harness media archives is to bring the archive closer to the people instead of bringing the people closer to the archive.
The golden generation through the lenses of archive nostalgia
Footage of football matches played by the golden generation is kept almost exclusively by the Media Archive Department of the Romanian National Television (MADTVR). Football, regarded as a socially significant phenomenon, is equally important for the MADTVR. Therefore, in 2008, the TV host and football commentator Marian Olaianos started producing Replay, the only TV show that deals with football archives. The show, as Olaianos stated, aimed to “offer people the chance to watch the great football matches of their youth again,” an approach that builds on the concept of nostalgia. There is no ‘unit of measurement’ for nostalgia, but it is safe to say that the golden generation is one of the strongest activators of nostalgia in Romania.
Replay’s YouTube channel offers a peek into such nostalgia. The pinnacle of the golden generation was the 1994 World Cup in the US, and the best Romanian matches were against Colombia and Argentina. The episode that depicts the Romania–Colombia game has over 266,000 views on YouTube. Meanwhile, a short clip of the Romania–Argentina game, published by TVR’s YouTube channel, gained almost 3 million views. Nostalgia, as well as the idea of youth, is, through visual and auditory archives, like a form of time travel. As historian Gary Cross puts it, “attraction comes from a sense of loss.”3 The comments sections of the clips are particularly revealing. For instance, one user states that “we live from memories,” and another one uses a recurrent ‘then and now’ trope to portray his nostalgia: “it’s a pity that today we can only be proud of our past.” A third user asserts: “I was so young back then, but my memories are so vivid.”
Instead of a conclusion
As a repository for collective memory, broadcasting archives can inspire nostalgic feelings within a society. The golden generation of Romanian football, as depicted in Replay, is one example of this phenomenon. The aforementioned YouTube comments demonstrate that nostalgia is present in two ways: first, as active nostalgia, which is related more to the users’ own youth and the way they experienced the matches, and, secondly, as passive nostalgia, which relates to a ‘sense of loss’ or, as historian Maria Todorova puts it, “an activist critique of the present using the past as a mirror.”4
3 Gary Cross, Consumed Nostalgia: Memory in the Age of Fast Capitalism (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 2015), 139.
4 Maria Todorova, “Introduction: From Utopia to Propaganda and Back,” in Maria Todorova and Zsuzsa Gille (eds.), Post-communist Nostalgia (New York, NY: Berghahn, 2010), 7.
Romania women's national football team A, 13 September 1990 (Bucharest). Courtesy of the author.
The First Decade of Official Women’s Football in Romania
Ileana Szasz (anthropologist, the one documenting the inception of women’s football)
When the Romanian men’s national team was about to achieve its greatest success, women’s football had only just received institutional recognition. After the revolution, on 5 April 1990, the Romanian Football Federation officialised the women’s game. But this process started much earlier. Women factory workers had been playing the game for over two decades. During the socialist years, sport, a political instrument, was state funded, state regulated, and aimed at educating people. Mass participation was a priority. Women’s emancipation through sport was also pursued, yet within the limits of serving national ideological purposes. Sport’s potential as an instrument for creating a society that grants equal opportunities was undermined by the ‘we–know–what’s–best–for–you’ syndrome of the nomenklatura. Physically fit men in political leadership positions regulated and mediated vulnerable groups’ access to sporting activities. Although factory workers’ women’s teams existed and competed in unofficial championships all over Romania, football was never officially recognised as a women’s game. The 1990 momentum, however, followed a decade of a continuous rise in the number of players and, in the first official championship, 42 teams participated (12 in the first division and 30 in the second).
The 1990s were dominated by the teams of big factories like ICIM Brașov, CFR Craiova, Motor Oradea, Fartec Brașov, and Conpet Ploiești. If ICIM was a ‘traditional team,’ the others appeared during the wave of enthusiasm that accompanied the official recognition of women’s football. These initiatives were built on the socialist state’s legacy. They used the infrastructure and facilities created during ‘the golden age’ of state socialism and were funded by the factories they were affiliated with. They managed to attract the best players of the championship. In these contexts, women were able to make football their main professional activity and their primary source of income. Team managers found ‘loophole solutions’ to guarantee players’ salaries. Players had contracts as factory workers but were either removed from the production line to train, or they simply never performed the blue-collar job they were formally hired for. These players enjoyed local fame and media attention. Derbies were played in front of wide audiences made up of supporters, factory employees, and people living near the stadiums. Still, these exceptions occurred only with top teams. The vulnerable situation of the small private teams was reflected on the pitch through massive score discrepancies.
The newly established women’s national team had a successful debut in friendly tournaments, but it was never a match for national representatives of countries where women’s football had been recognised and institutionally supported for decades. The Romanian women’s team used secondhand men’s equipment from the time when the legendary Nicolae Dobrin was captivating the generations of the 1960s and 1970s, the travel budgets were restricted, and the only financial benefit was a daily allowance. Still, being part of the national team was a source of pride. The players hung their official t-shirts on their balconies so that everyone from a few blocks away could see it. Hearing the national anthem playing for them in huge stadiums was something that can’t be compared with anything else they experienced. And they had the opportunity to travel abroad during a time when such a thing was a privilege for Romanians.
A lack of support from the Federation, the process of deindustrialisation that began in the 1990s, and investors’ interests in short term profits laid the groundwork for the fast decay of women’s football. While in 1995 there were around 2,000 affiliated players, in the following years, teams began being dismantled and only 4 managed to finish the 1999–2000 season. The illusion of interest in the development of women’s football, fabricated by the Federation, gave an impulse for the emergence of new teams. However, the measures were no more than a formal and pale attempt to follow and mimic the agenda of international governing bodies. Women’s football was soon revealed as an ‘unprofitable business’ and financiers stopped investing. Not even champion teams were able to avoid disbandment. Paradoxically, initial financial support enabled them to perform, but this consequently meant a need for bigger investments, better conditions, and players’ compensations. Most of the players disappeared after winning the national title. During the last years of the 1990s, groups of players were ‘team hopping’ and commuting to different cities to continue playing. Those who played for the national team managed to get international transfers, and some took the opportunity of playing abroad. And yet, in spite of the downfall of the local women’s football scene, a Romanian was the top scorer of the first Champions League (UEFA Women’s Cup) in 2001–2002.
Andrei Mihail is an anthropologist at SNSPA and the University of Bucharest. He is documenting sports and social phenomena that take place around him. He has supported Progresul București ever since 1996.
Cristina Plecadite studied Sociology at the University of Bucharest and has an MA in Anthropology at SNSPA Bucharest. For a short period, she was a teaching assistant on Social Communities and Introduction in Anthropology at SNSPA. She has published articles on Aromanian identity, and, as a co-author, on clubbing consumption. She is currently working as a media researcher.
Bogdan Stelea is one of Romania’s most successful goalkeepers. He holds the record for the goalkeeper with the most appearances for the national football team of Romania. Stelea represented Romania at all five major tournaments of the 1990s. He started football at Dinamo București, but also played for their arch-rivals Steaua București and Rapid București.
Ileana Gabriela Szasz has a PhD in Sociology from SNSPA Bucharest. She has been researching the experiences of women football players in Romania as a fellow of CIES Switzerland. Currently, she is coordinating the online project www.arhivafotbalistelor.ro.
Andrei Răzvan Voinea (n. 1985) is a historian who graduated from the Faculty of History (2008) and who has a PhD in the history of architecture (UAUIM, 2017). His main research interests are urban history and the history of sports.
Bogdan Vârșan’s main field of interest is related to the social aspects of recent history. After pursuing both a Bachelor and a Master degree at the Faculty of History, University of Bucharest, Vârșan got his PhD degree under the supervision of Prof. Bogdan Murgescu with a thesis entitled “The working class of Bucharest in the context of socialist modernization.” Currently, he is continuing his research activity and is involved in the digitalization of the Romanian Television Media Archive.
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